|
|
Nordic Contacts 1991-1998
By Brian
Hodges
|
Scandinavian-Baltic
Cooperation: a Historical Perspective (Introduction)
The role of the Nordic countries in the Baltic states' path to
independence and security can not be underestimated. Rein Taagepera,
in his book Estonia: Return to Independence, ends with the observation
that much of Estonia's
ability to survive as an independent state will rest on Scandinavia: "Will
the Nordic countries recognize Estonia
and Latvia
as natural parts of the culturally Lutheran realm? Will they be willing to play
a role faintly similar to that of West Germany
toward East Germany,
establishing a special relationship? Or will they shrug their shoulders as Estonia is
drawn back into an eastern economic orbit?" (210) The importance of
establishing a stable relationship between the Nordic countries and the Baltic
states is central to the Baltics being able to enter
Western Europe. Historically, however, the individual Nordic countries have had
very different relationships with the Baltic states. The Soviet annexation of 1940, for
example, was never officially recognized by Norway,
while Sweden
was one of the first nations to recognize it.
The present Scandinavian-Baltic relationship is a
not as deeply rooted a shared historical past as it is purported to have been.
The Scandinavian kingdoms of Denmark,
Norway and Sweden have
played different roles in the Baltic throughout history. Denmark established the trade center of Tallinn in the 13th century, Sweden ruled much of what would become modern
day Estonia and Latvia during the 18th century and Norway cooperated with the Courland
colonial expansion of the 17th century. The modern concept of Baltic
cooperation is more the product of the past century than of their lengthy
histories. In order to illustrate this one need only look at the
Scandinavian-Baltic relations during the first period of independence and
during the period of Soviet rule.
The first period of Baltic independence coincided
with Finland's
independence. Finland, like
the Baltic states, was under the rule of Imperial
Russia and won its independence from Russia as a result of the Communist
revolution and the ensuing civil war. Almost immediately upon gaining
independence, Finland was
faced with the crisis of how to align itself in the new map of Europe. Indecision as to whether or not to belong to a
Baltic bloc or a Scandinavian bloc continued for the first decade of
independence, but, after 1926, Finland
decided to terminate the close relations with the Baltic and Polish governments
due to perceived weaknesses in their defense abilities and trade conflicts with
the Baltic states.
Instead, Finland chose to
work on a closer relationship with a Nordic bloc and to foster a closer
relationship with Germany.
(Edgars Andersons, Latvijas VÂ sture
1920-1940: &127;
rpolÌ
tika, appendix)
Similar to Finland,
the Scandinavian states sought political and military cooperation outside the Baltic states. For the Nordic
countries entering the Scandinavian-Baltic bloc alliance, suggested by the British
government following World War I, was too risky, due to the continuing threats
of war in the east. (Anderson,
English summary) While cultural and economic contacts did begin during the
period of independence, the depth of investment was minimal. Official
recognition of the independent Baltic states by
Scandinavia was not quick in coming: Denmark,
Norway and Sweden did not officially recognize the Baltic states' independence until February 4, 1921,
nearly three years after their declarations of independence. (Helmut Piirim¬
e, "Historical Heritage: The Relations Between Estonia
and her Nordic Neighbors" in Lauristin and Vihalemn eds. Return to the Western World: Cultural and
Political Perspectives on the Estonian Post-Communist Transition. Tartu University
Press: 1997, pp. 64-66.) Political cooperation between Scandinavia and the
Baltic states was not only hindered by defense questions, but also by the Land
Reform Law of 1919 in Estonia,
which adversely affected many Swedish land owners in the Baltic
states. (Piirim¬ e, 66)
Despite the lack of political cooperation during
this period, economic investment in the Baltic states was on the rise. Investments were made
mostly in farming infrastructure and in the extraction of natural resources
from the Baltic states.
Associated with the economic investment in the Baltic region was a coinciding
cultural investment; many Swedes settled (or resettled) in Estonia and Latvia. Swedish and Finnish
scholars were particularly active in establishing the University of Tartu
as a center of European scholarship. This growing climate of economic and
cultural contacts came to an immediate end with the occupation of the Baltic states by the Soviet Union
in 1940.
Sweden
was the second European nation to recognize Soviet authority over the Baltic states, turning over the Baltic embassies and bank assets
that had been transferred to Sweden
for safe keeping. Finland
was engaged in a war with the Soviet Union and became an ally of Germany in the
fight against the Soviet army. During the course of World War II, over 30,000
Baltic refugees made it to Sweden,
where they were met with shelter, food, medical assistance and financial aid in
order to resettle. This outpouring of humanitarianism towards their Baltic
neighbors was, however, contradicted by the deportation of Baltic legionaries
who had been conscripted into the German army in 1946. (Piirim¬ e, 69)
During the period of Soviet rule over the Baltic states, only Norway
persisted in not recognizing the Soviet authority in the region. Baltic
ministers, who had escaped from the Baltic states
during World War II, held governmental meetings in Oslo. Baltic communities, made up of the war
refugees, formed in Sweden,
where they were able to maintain their national cultures and keep the idea of
independent Baltic states
alive. The period of Soviet rule may have halted all political and economic
cooperation in the region, but the presence of the Baltic cultures, especially
since the 1980s, in Scandinavia has led to
deeper cultural contacts.
Since the end of the Soviet period in the Baltic states, the Nordic countries have been acting as a bloc in
supporting the development of the Baltic states
and as an entr¾
to the European Community. Among the first nations to officially recognize
Baltic independence were Iceland,
Denmark and Norway; Sweden
and Finland lagged in
official recognition due to security issues, Sweden
being a neutral nation and Finland
not wanting to provoke Russia.
The Nordic States have, since the emergence of Baltic independence in 1991,
officially supported the development of the Baltic States
in four main areas: the promotion of common security in the area, the deepening
of the culture of democracy, socially sustainable economic transition and
environmentally sustainable development.
Common Security in the Baltic
The Baltic independence movement affected the
entire Baltic Sea region. This region had a
fragile security community, while Denmark,
Norway and Germany belonged to NATO, Poland, the Baltic States and Finland were all bound by treaty to the Soviet
sphere and Sweden
was a neutral nation. This balance was upset by the Baltic declarations of
independence. The NATO nations were able to immediately recognize Baltic
independence, due to their security positions, but Sweden,
being a neutral nation, did not have the support to stand up against a
deteriorating Soviet Union, and Finland
was in the process of unraveling the 1948 Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and
Friendship, which had bound them to militarily support the Soviet
Union. Reasserting a security balance was the first international
goal concerning the region and of utmost importance to the Nordic States.
Security issues surrounding the Baltic
States are still a concern to all neighboring states. The Baltic
States' desire to join NATO has been met by strong resistance from Russia, who perceives the expansion of NATO into
the Baltic as a threatening move and seeks to find some solution which will not
leave the Russian ports on the Gulf of Finland and Kaliningrad exposed. This strong protest from
Russia towards the Baltic's
joining NATO has resulted in Norway's
withdrawing its sponsorship of the Baltic states as new NATO members. (Gjeseth and Huitfeldt, Nordisk
og baltisk sikkerhet pp. 3-5)
In the absence of a larger military and security
alliance, the Baltic States, in 1994, formed a
defense-related cooperative, the Baltbat project. Baltbat is a collaboration between
England,
Nordic states and the Baltic countries to establish a joint peacekeeping
battalion, in which the Nordic countries have had a major presence in both
training and supplying medical equipment, computers and arms. Baltbat is made up of 800 men and includes a rifle company
from each of the Baltic states.
These rifle companies are working closely with one of the Scandinavian
militaries; the Latvian rifle company is to accompany the Swedish battalion to Bosnia, the Lithuanian to Bosnia under Danish command and the Estonian
company will be deployed under Norwegian command in Lebanon. Similar to Baltbat, the Baltic Sea
states are also participating in naval and air military cooperation in their
respective programs, Baltron and Baltnet.
(Ministry for Foreign Affairs, Sweden
and the Baltic Counties: Cooperation for Security,
Democracy and Development. Stockholm: 1996,
pp. 13-20 and Royal Ministry of Foreign Affairs Norway and the Baltic Countries:
Looking Towards the Future. Oslo:
1998, pp. 22-23)
Other risks to the stability of the region
include crime, terrorism, smuggling and environmental hazards. In order to
combat crime and smuggling, the Scandinavian states have been aiding the Baltic
police forces in both training and supplying modern equipment (weighbridges
with x-ray equipment, radio and communications devices, computers, etc.). A
further deepening of police cooperation is going on between the Nordic and the Baltic states in order to fight the larger, organized
crime network, which, if not addressed, keeps investors out of the region.
(Ministry for Foreign Affairs, 18-19)
Stable Culture of Democracy
The first issue that Scandinavia addressed in
relation to the emergence of the Baltic states
was the support and development of cultures of democracy in the region. A
stable democratic environment promotes the security of the region, while also
creating a sound foundation for the development of the economy, human rights
and the environment. Democracy building efforts come from more than the Nordic
governments and also involve the intense participation of non-governmental
organization (NGOs), labor unions, political parties and industry.
Support for political parties is essential in the
building of democracy. The histories of the Baltic states in regards to
democratic representation, both during the period of independence and under
Soviet rule, caused some concern in the Nordic states regarding the role of
opposition parties in the political process, due to both the Baltic
authoritarian leadership during the decade prior to World War II and half
century of Soviet political institutions. Scandinavian political parties have adopted
a sister-city program between Scandinavia and
the Baltic, where they send party members to the Baltic in order to develop the
party system in these states. Lithuanians were able to study the election
process in Sweden,
including the electoral campaign, the work of party organizations and how
political compromise can be a road to concrete solutions to social problems.
One area of democratization in which the Baltic states have been
criticized concerns the role of linguistic minorities, especially in regards to
the Russian speaking minority. The European Community (EC) views the Baltic states' linguistic policy
as being discriminatory against Russian speakers. While funds and institutions
to teach linguistic minorities the official languages are not well established
by the Baltic governments, the Nordic states have been assisting linguistic
minorities in both official language education and in providing native language
media. The Swedish Institute is supporting a Russian language radio station in Narva, Estonia, where the Russian speaking
population is 96%; under Estonian law these people are not to be provided with
state supported radio, newspaper or any printed materials. (Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, 25)
Economic and Social Development
Perhaps the largest area of Nordic-Baltic
cooperation is in the area of economic and social development. In this area
governmental, non-governmental, private and industrial bodies are all working
to develop the Baltic states.
Creating a stable economic foundation will secure the democratic stability of
the region and promote security. One of the most immediate needs of the Baltic states is a
transformation of the Soviet infrastructure; the telecommunications, road,
railway and port networks are all in poor repair and need modernization.
Without these basic infrastructures trade with Europe
would be hindered.
Foreign direct investment in the Baltic states is still risky due
to the unpredictable state of their national economies, the Nordic states are
trying to shore up the foundation of a market oriented system that will allow
for greater investment in the future. While the Baltic states are attractive for large firms as a
future place for mass production and other factory oriented projects, the
existing infrastructure is very poor for modern manufacturing. This has not
halted all investment in the region, however. Volvo has established a
manufacturing plant in Estonia,
aiding the Estonians with new infrastructure and transferring technology to the
region, while taking advantage of the lower wages on the eastern shores of the
Baltic for the Swedish company's benefit. A sign of confidence in the Estonian
economy from Scandinavia can be seen in the opening of a Stockmann's
department store in Estonia.
The forestry industry throughout the Baltic has also been an area of Swedish
investment, from the planning and development of the sustainable harvesting of
a natural resource in Latvia
and Lithuania
to the import of Estonian finished timber and furniture products.
While it is both possible and feasible for large
industries to invest in the Baltic region and create the infrastructure and
training necessary to do business there, for the small and medium sized
enterprises, which are becoming more and more common on the European market, investing
in the region is extremely risky. In order to balance the risk, the Swedish
government has developed a program called "Startš st", which provides loans on favorable terms to small
and medium sized enterprises to cover the cost of training Baltic personnel.
(Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 32) Another risk to smaller investors in this
region is the Latvian bank collapses of 1995; in order to promote stability and
investment in the region, Sweden
has contributed 300 million SEK, mostly in the form of equity capital, to
selected banks. In addition to this, Sweden is paying for economic
advisers to take part in the supervision of the allocation of the World Bank
loans and business projects. (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 32-33)
The Environment and Sustainable Development
Both the environment and sustainable development
are foreign concepts to Soviet planning and developmentalism.
The Baltic states are
emerging from four plus decades of environmental devastation and exploitation
of natural resources. The level of environmental degradation is unheard of in Western Europe, but is a crisis associated with nearly
all the emerging Eastern European nations. As early as 1974, the Nordic states
began to enter a dialogues with the then Soviet Baltic satellites concerning
the environment of the Baltic Sea region, considered today to be among the most
polluted inland seas in the world. Cleaning the Baltic Sea
is estimated to cost 150 billion SEK and take until the year 2012 to complete.
(Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 35-40 and the Royal Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
14)
One of the highest priorities in the
environmental clean up process is the Gulf of Riga.
Thirty-five percent of Riga's
900,000 residents are not connected to the sewage treatment works. Instead, the
untreated sewage goes directly into the Gulf. The sewage treatment plant, on
the Daugava river, is out of
date and requires updating and repair. This plant only purifies 40% of the
treated waste, while the European average is between 95-98% purification. This
sewage treatment plant has drawn attention from the Nordic states and the EU
(through the regional body the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development
EBRD) and both are investing in repairing it. (Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
35-38)
Perhaps the most pressing environmental concern
in the Baltic states is the nuclear power station at Ignalina in north-eastern Lithuania. This Soviet built
station is the same type as the Chernobyl power
station, which caused devastating environmental affects in Scandinavia.
Sweden,
in association with the Nuclear Safety Account of the EBRD, has played a
leading role in dealing with this risk area. Sweden has been assisting in making
technical improvements and enhancing organization and routines at the plant.
While the technicians are well trained, the safety culture which grew out of
the Soviet Union is not up to European
standards. Sweden
is trying to change the safety awareness of the plant by implementing changes
in access, management and staffing the plant. (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 40
and the Royal Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 14)
Cultural Cooperation
Cultural contact between the Baltic
states and the Scandinavian states are,
perhaps, the broadest area of cooperation. While this particular area of
cooperation does not draw the most official funding, it does draw on a vast
number of people and institutions. Cultural contacts have existed in one form
or another for centuries. Only during the Soviet period did the Baltic Sea
become a border; prior to which, the sea, like all waterways in Northern Europe, was more of a highway, connecting the
cultures and trade of the region. During the Soviet period, Baltic presence in
the Scandinavian states was felt. Many evacuees set up residence in Sweden, while a government-in-exile held
meetings in Norway.
Scandinavian interest in the Baltic region began
to grow during the 1980s after the ESTO world exhibitions of 1980 and 1983,
held in Stockholm
and GØ teborg, respectively. These exhibitions portrayed to Scandinavia, and the world, the existence of a Baltic
culture. The rising interest in Baltic culture led to the formation of ARS
BALTICA in 1993. ARS BALTICA is an organization which supports cultural events
and exhibitions in the Baltic Sea states. (Firggebo, "Cultural Co-operation Revitalised
Through 'ARS BALTICA" in the Nordic Council's Cultural Exchanges Between the Nordic Countries and the Baltic
States - Status and Future Perspectives. Stockholm:
1994, Pp. 18-19) Also from this interest in Baltic culture, both Baltic
literature in Scandinavian translation and art began to appear in Scandinavia.
The educational exchanges established between
Nordic and Baltic Universities and educational institutions are another
way of increasing the cultural cooperation of the Baltic
Sea region. These programs not only introduce students to a
different culture, but also aid in the transference of institutions and ideas
to the Baltic countries. In order to promote cross-cultural research, the Nordic Academy
for Advanced Study (NorFa) was established in 1990.
This institution was founded in order to stimulate the research being done in
the Nordic states through greater mobility and exchanges, counteracting the
perceived downfalls of Nordic research of provincialism and isolationism. In
1994 NorFa granted 800,000 NOK for exchanges between
the Nordic counties and the Baltic states and
north-western Russia.
(S¬ ljØ , "Co-operation in Research and Education with the
Baltic States Today and Tomorrow." In the Nordic Council's Cultural
Exchanges Between the Nordic Countries and the Baltic States - Status and Future Perspectives. Op.cit. pp.28-29)
In addition to providing grants for
cross-cultural research exchanges, the Nordic countries are also providing
support for the reforms of the Universities and educational institutions in the
Baltic states. Norway has established a school of business
management in Kaunas, Lithuania in order to teach market
economics. This school began as an exchange program, sending students, faculty
and textbooks to Lithuania
in 1992, but since has turned into a school. Lillehammar College
has aided in the establishment of a new college in the district of Vidzeme, Latvia,
which has established a European curriculum. (Royal Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, 16-17) All of these investments in higher education in the Baltic states can be seen as
investments in not only the cultural life of the Baltic, but also as
investments in infrastructure, democracy, security and economy. As all of these factors are supported through these types of
cultural exchanges.
Nordic interest in the Baltic
states can best be summed up by looking
at the examples of cooperative efforts undertaken since the Baltics'
declarations of independence. The Nordic Council of Ministers, a cooperative
body of Nordic representatives, helped to establish the Baltic Council of
Ministers. Together, these two councils meet as "5+3"
("5+3" refers to the five Nordic countries and the three Baltic
states) to discuss issues concerning the
Baltic and Baltic-Nordic concerns. In 1992 the Council of the Baltic Sea States
was founded by Scandinavian initiative in order to draw all of the Baltic Sea states into tighter cohesion and cooperation.
When the Baltic states' application for participation
in the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) was refused
in 1991, Denmark, Norway and Sweden
invited the Baltic states' delegations to join
theirs and championed their membership in the OSCE in the future. These
examples of high profile assistance exemplify the efforts being undertaken to
aid the Baltic states
in their transformation from Soviet republics to European states.
Bibliography
Anderson, Edgars. Latvijas VÂsture 1920-1940: &127;rpolÌtika.
Daugava: 1982.
Firggebo, Birgit. "Cultural Co-operation Revitalised Through 'ARS BALTICA" in The Nordic Council's Cultural Exchanges Between
the Nordic Countries and the Baltic States -
Status and Future Perspectives. Stockholm:
1994. pp. 18-19.
Gjeseth, Gullow and Huitfeldt, TÝnne. Nordisk og baltisk
sikkerhet Den Norske Atlanterhavskomite.
Oslo: 1996.
Ministry for Foreign Affairs. Sweden and the Baltic Counties:
Cooperation for Security, Democracy and Development. Stockholm: 1996
Piirim¬e,
Helmut. "Historical Heritage: The Relations Between
Estonia
and her Nordic Neighbors" in Marju Lauristin and Peeter Vihalemn eds. Return to the Western World: Cultural and
Political Perspectives on the Estonian Post-Communist Transition. Tartu: Tartu
University Press, 1997.
Royal Ministry of Foreign Affairs Norway and the Baltic Countries:
Looking Towards the Future. Oslo:
1998
S¬ljØ, Roger. "Co-operation in Research and Education with the Baltic States Today and Tomorrow." In the
Nordic Council's Cultural Exchanges Between the
Nordic Countries and the Baltic States -
Status and Future Perspectives. Stockholm:1994. pp. 28-29.
Taagepera, Rein. Estonia:
Return to Independence.
Boulder: Westview Press, 1993.
WWW Resources
Council of the Baltic Sea States (CBSS)www.baltinfo.org/
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Denmark:
www.um.dk/english/udenrigspolitik/
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Finland:
virtual.finland.fi/ministry/english/umeng.html
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Norway:
www.odin.dep.no/ud
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Sweden:
www.ud.se/
The Nordic Council: www.norden.org/
Originally published at
http://depts.washington.edu/baltic/papers/
BACK TO THE BALTIC STATES