Lindsay Haselton
The Emergence of the Russian Mafia
While
many scholars emphasize the strong emergence of the Russian mafia after the
collapse of the Soviet state to a free market democracy, others argue that the
emergence, more accurately, can be traced to the country’s criminal tradition
and its ensuing development. A closer look at
The
traditional gang structure that developed during tsarist times, fortified by a
code of honour and rituals that discouraged outsiders,
became a model for organizations formed during the Revolutionary period. It
seems that two branches of mafia-style organizations developed during this
time: one with the goal of establishing the Bolshevik state, and the other with
the goal of destroying it. The first type of criminal group was developed by
the founders of the Soviet state who admired the gangs during tsarist times for
their antiestablishment ethos.[8]
Early revolutionaries borrowed ideas and practices from bandits such as the
revolutionary practice of expropriation which was recognized at the time to be
a positive version of banditry that took from the rich to give to the poor.[9]
Criminal groups were regarded as liberators of the people and resorted to
pillage and terror only as a means of raising funds for their cause. The
pro-Soviet gangs were secured employment during the revolution – called for bank
heists and kidnappings in order to raise funds.[10]
Bolshevik leaders energetically supported gang activity as they viewed mob
violence and theft as a means of destroying the old regime.[11]
According to Stephen Handelman, the young Josef
Stalin counted gang leaders among his closest associates and eventually
recruited some of them into his secret police. Moreover, after the
establishment of Soviet power, members of the criminal group were used as
enforcers and informers against political dissidents in the gulag prison
system.[12]
Upon the
victory of the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917, however, a second type of criminal
group formed as an expression of a political rejection of Bolshevik rule.[13]
Criminal activity took the form of counter-revolutionary banditry carried out
by associations of former capitalists and aristocrats, White sympathizers, and
disillusioned revolutionaries who operated outside the new formal hierarchies.[14]
Much of the criminal counter-revolutionary movement was formed in labour camps
and prisons in early Soviet times and was based on an ideological principal
that called for the total rejection of the formal Soviet socioeconomic system.[15]
However, up until World War II, these counter-revolutionary gangs neither
threatened the status quo nor were of any potential benefits to the new regime;
therefore, the Bolsheviks had no incentive to commit resources for their
elimination or to engage with them in any compromise.[16]
With the advent of World War II and the subsequent Nazi invasion of the
The new
type of Russian mafia during Stalinist times had less regard for the rules and
traditions of the vorovskoi mir,
therefore, it moved into more risky spheres of criminal behaviour such as bank
fraud and drug trafficking.[20]
At this stage of the development of the mafia the relationship between the
mafia and the state was restricted to bribes offered to low-ranking levels of
the Soviet government. The government’s power was independent of the mafia and
could have eliminated it had it threatened the status quo.[21]
During this time, however, incentives for the state to cooperate with the
postwar breed of mafia lay at the core of the distribution system. The mafia
provided Soviet bureaucrats with administrative rationings of non-tradable
commodities at a time of relative scarcity; this resulted in the development of
an underground economy whereby commodities were reserved by members of the
government and diverted to informal or foreign markets where they could be sold
at higher prices. With such an incentive to gain economically, Soviet
bureaucrats were no longer willing to provide services to ordinary citizens,
thus exacerbating existing shortages.[22]
The state’s reliance on the mafia, therefore, stemmed from the economic profits
that could be made from its dealings with the mafia. In turn, the increased
strength and rise of the mafia in
The
1960s and 1970s saw a further blossoming of Russian organized crime with the
emergence of the black market. During the Brezhnev era, the mafia assumed a
greater importance as the most profitable form of cooperation between the state
and mafia emerged.[23]
Soviet gangsters acted as unofficial middlemen in the “gray” and “black”
economies, circulating privately produced goods or state materials with the
tacit cooperation of factory managers and apparatchiks.[24]
Underground factories and the mafia supplied what the formal economy failed to
supply with the cooperation of the highest levels of the Soviet administration.
The absolute political power that corrupted the Soviet government induced it to
solicit services rendered by the mafia through informal channels.[25]
As Shevardnadze noted in 1991:
As long as there was a shortage of
goods, food, and services, no matter how harsh the laws and how brutal the
law-enforcement officers, (the) evil would not be eradicated. The sources for
these ills (were) in the system itself… the conservatism in the economy, the
centralized system, the monopoly on property.[26]
In the
1970s and 1980s, Russians first began to use the word “mafiya”
to describe the vast networks of corruption lurking inside regional and central
ministries.[27] Special
arrangements were common in every industry connected with food, for example. In
collaboration with the mafia, the Ministry of Fisheries sent top-quality caviare and seafood to special shops around the nation
whose managers immediately sold the foodstuffs privately for amounts five or
six times higher than the state price.[28]
The
advent of perestroika did little to break the power of these networks. In fact,
it brought various criminal strands of Soviet life together.[29]
The secret wealth accumulated by mafia tycoons and party barons found a
legitimate outlet when the government expanded the permissible area of private
commerce. Gorbachev’s 1987 Law of State Enterprises gave independence to state
enterprises and allowed joint ventures between business entrepreneurs and
organized crime groups – sanctioning legal connections between the Soviet
government and the mafia.[30]
Soon after, the 1988 Law of Cooperatives lifted restrictions on types of
activities of companies, profit, size, and pricing. The 1998 Law of
Cooperatives allowed cooperatives to establish joint ventures with foreign
firms, which in turn opened legal passages to Western banks, through which
laundered money could find its way into the formal sphere. The combination of
new laws, access to foreign capital, and infiltration of the mafia into the
formal economy gave rise to a formation of elite mob entrepreneurs.[31]
Russian entrepreneurs who tried to operate by the rules found it impossible to
survive in the face of both official and criminal competitions. By the late
1980s, the majority of small cooperative businesses established during
perestroika were either controlled by or heavily in debt to criminal elements.[32]
The state, business entrepreneurs, and the mafia were presiding over the bulk
of Soviet industrial wealth. On the eve of the failed August 1991 coup, the
three structures were dependent on each other within a network of connections
that made up the
It is
important to note that unlike the American La Cosa
Nostra (LCN), the Italian Mafia, Chinese Triads, and other ethnically-oriented organized-crime
groups, modern Russian organized-crime does not fit into orderly models.
According to a study conducted by the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation, in
traditional organized-crime
cases, identifying the leadership and chain of command of a target group
contributes substantially to successful investigations and prosecutions. While
traditional groups have permanent hierarchical structures and usually operate
within specific geographical areas, the Russian mafia comprises amorphous gangs
that act autonomously or have loose ties to regional, national, or
international networks. Therefore, contrary to the media-promoted depiction of
the "Russian
Mafia" as a monolithic institution, Russian organized crime groups cannot
be classified as distinct, centralized entities.[34]
However, there is evidence that the modern Russian mafia gangs have developed a
vocabulary of slang terms (see Appendix I).[35]
Moreover, it is evident that most Russian gangs have a hierarchy, enforced by
strict disciplinary sanctions; a restricted membership, and tight secrecy and
compartmentalization.[36]
A typical mafia boss controls four specialized criminal cells through a
brigadier and two under bosses. Membership is often restricted based on
ethnicity, kinship, race, criminal record, and other considerations. Outsiders
find it very difficult to penetrate the ruling cadre, governed by a rigid
18-point “Thieves Code” of conduct (Vorovskoy Zakon), that if violated, is punishable by death.[37]
The
problem of organized crime in post-Soviet
Notwithstanding
the lack of clear information, the Russian mafia is unquestionably causing
extensive harm in
According
to Martin McCauley, there are several main reasons why modern
The
mafia benefited from the collapse of the
Source:
Microsoft Encarta, 2003
For
instance, the smuggling trade flourished as enormous quantities of copper, zinc
and other strategic metals were shipped from Russia to Baltic ports and then to
Scandinavia or Western Europe.[47]
Smuggling profits have formed the foundation of post-communist mafia wealth and
the basis for the working cooperation between criminals and the nomenklatura. In
1995, for example, the Mafia murdered four executives in order to wrest control
of the aluminum industry.[48] Russian authorities readily acknowledge that
the mixture of unmonitored capitalism, organized crime and official chicanery
has produced a crisis of governance; however, the mafia has perhaps become a
dominant force in governing modern
The
Russian mafia is arguably the only Soviet institution that benefited from the
collapse of the
Reforms mean you can have
a big car if you're in the mafia. Reforms mean hard-currency shops for a
handful of people who have it. I'm a factory worker. I'll never have a big car
or dollars, so reform for me will be when the milk isn't sour, that's all.[53]
While
the Russian mafia appears to play a significant role in Russian politics and
economics since the collapse of the Soviet state to a free market democracy, it
is important to recognize the extent to which the mafia has been a governing
body for hundreds of years in
Appendix
I
A Glossary of Street Slang[56]
Akademiya - Russian word meaning academy; used to mean jail or prison, where
the underworld receives its real education.
Babki - The name of a children’s game similar to
Pick-Up-Stix, but played with old soup bones. On the street it means money.
Blat - Originally used to describe someone in a
prison camp who received protection because of personal ties to leading
criminal figures. Now it means “clout.”
Boyevik - Mafia Soldier.
Buks - Borrowed from the English language, it is
used for convertible currency such as the U.S. dollar.
Fartsofshchik - From the Russian root word for “swap”;
the term used for a black marketer.
Frayeri - Common folk; used to refer to someone as a
sucker.
Kidali - Meaning “throwers”; Mob jargon for a
confidence man whose job is the scam.
Krestnii Otets - Godfather
Lomshchiki - Translated as “breakers”. These criminal specialize in the
sleight-of-hand during money changing deals; known in the
Mafiya - Widely used in the 70’s to describe the
corrupt networks of party officials and black market bosses. To an average Russian citizen the word can be
applied to petty hoodlums terrorizing shopkeepers, as well as, to the greedy
shopkeepers themselves; to members of crime syndicates, as well as, to the
corrupt government officials cracking down on them; to people who kill for a
living, as well as, to those who make a killing on the market.
Organizatsiya - Means an organization. Used for the Russian Mafiya.
Razborka - The common word for clarification,
distinction of choice; also slang for the means by which rival criminal groups
settle their conflicts.
Shestyorka - Literally translated as “the sixth”;
insider’s lingo for a bag man, errand boy or other mob gofer, sort of an
“associate”.
Suka - The
Russian word for a female dog; a derogatory term for a militia officer. In prison it refers to anyone who cooperates
with the authorities.
Utyuzhit firmu - Literally
translated as “to iron the firm”. In
street slang it refers to all foreigners, who are considered members of a
“firm” in need of being “ironed”, or straightened out. In American slang “to rip
off”.
Volk - Literally
meaning “wolf”, a respectful slang term for a police officer or investigator.
Vorovskoi obshak - The
communal fund made up of tributes to the Godfather, paid by members of the mob
family and assorted racketeers under his protection. The money is used to bribe politicians and
police, support families of criminals sent to prison, and pay off prison guards
so mobsters behind bars do not have to break their backs with hard labor.
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[2] Mark Galeotti, “The Mafiya and the New
[3] Galeotti, “The Mafiya and the New
[4] Stephen Handelman, “The Russian Mafiya,” Foreign Affairs 73, 2 (March 1994) 85-86.
[5] Galeotti, “The Mafiya and the New
[6] Vadim Volkov, “Violent Entrepreneurship in
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[7] Galeotti, “The Mafiya and the New
[8] Handelman, “The Russian Mafiya,” 86.
[9] Caroline Humphrey, The Unmaking of Soviet Life: Everyday
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[10] Handelman, “The Russian Mafiya,” 86.
[11] Chalidze, Criminal
[12] Handelman, “The Russian Mafiya,” 86.
[13] Mark Tomass, “Mafianomics: How Did Mob Entrepreneurs Infiltrate and Dominate the Russian Economy?” Journal of Economic Issues 32, 2 (June, 1998) 566.
[14] Tomass, “Mafianomics,” 566.
[15] Tomass, “Mafianomics,” 566.
[16] Tomass, “Mafianomics,” 566.
[17] Stephen Handelman, Comrade Criminal: The Theft of the Second Russian Revolution (London: Penguin Group, 1994), 30.
[18] Handelman, Comrade Criminal, 30-31.
[19] Tomass, “Mafianomics,” 566.
[20] Handelman, Comrade Criminal, 31.
[21] Tomass, “Mafianomics,” 566.
[22] Tomass, “Mafianomics,” 567.
[23] Handelman, “The Russian Mafiya,” 86.
[24] Handelman, “The Russian Mafiya,” 86.
[25] Tomass, “Mafianomics,” 567.
[26] Quoted by Handelman in Comrade Criminal, 55.
[27] Handelman, “The Russian Mafiya,” 86.
[28] Handelman, Comrade Criminal, 54-55.
[29] Handelman, “The Russian Mafiya,” 86.
[30] Tomass, “Mafianomics,” 569.
[31] Tomass, “Mafianomics,” 569.
[32] Handelman, “The Russian Mafiya,” 87.
[33] Tomass, “Mafianomics,” 569.
[34] Scott O’Neal, “Russian Organized Crime,” FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin, 69, 5 (May 2000) 1.
[35] See Appendix 1
[36] “The Four Characteristics Shared by Most Major Russian Gangs,”
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[37] Richard Lindberg and Vesna Markovic, “Organized Crime Outlook in New Russia,” <http://www.search-international.com/Articles/crime/russiacrime.htm>
[38] O’Neal, “Russian Organized Crime.”
[39] O’Neal, “Russian Organized Crime.”
[40] Lindberg and Markovic,
“Organized Crime Outlook in New
[41] Lindberg and Markovic,
“Organized Crime Outlook in New
[42] O’Neal, “Russian Organized Crime.”
[43] “The Russian Mafia,” Organized Crime Division,
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[44] Martin McCauley, Bandits, Gangsters and The
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[45] McCauley, Bandits, Gangsters and The Mafia, 2-4.
[46] McCauley, Bandits, Gangsters and The Mafia, 6.
[47] Handelman, “The Russian Mafiya,” 87-88.
[48] Lindberg and Markovic,
“Organized Crime Outlook in New
[49] Galeotti, “The Mafiya and the New
[50] Tomass, “Mafianomics,” 569.
[51] Tomass, “Mafianomics,” 570.
[52] Tomass, “Mafianomics,” 570.
[53] Microsoft Encarta, 2003.
[54] Michael Specter, “
[55] Michael Specter, “
[56] Lindberg and Markovic,
“Organized Crime Outlook in New