|
Poland: Biographical History
By Mieczyslaw Kasprzyk
Section III
|
THE SECOND WORLD WAR
On September 1st.,
1939, 1.8 million German troops invaded Poland
on three fronts; East Prussia in the north, Germany in the west and Slovakia in the south. They had
2600 tanks against the Polish 180, and over 2000 aircraft against the Polish
420. Their "Blitzkrieg" tactics, coupled with their bombing of defenceless towns and refugees, had never been seen before
and, at first, caught the Poles off-guard.
Henryk Sucharski (d. Naples, 1946) an experienced Army officer,
became garrison commander at Westerplatte in 1938. In
1921 the Council of the League of Nations gave
the Poles, who did not as yet have a sea port, the right to transship and store
military goods in the harbour of the Free City of
Danzig. The Harbour authorities, unhappy about the
transshipment of arms and ammunition, and the presence of Polish troops, in the
Free City, felt that a more suitable site lay to the north of the city on the
peninsula at the mouth of the Wisla; Westerplatte. In 1924 the League decreed PolandÕs right to establish a Military Transit Depot on Westerplatte, making this technically Polish terrain. In
1925 the Poles were allowed to station a detachment of 88 soldiers (3 officers,
21 NCOs and 64 privates) to safeguard the depot and handling operations. Poland
was not given any rights to possess military fortifications at Westerplatte but, nevertheless, secretly built a number of
concrete-brick guardhouses and fortified the cellars of the barracks buildings
and, when the threat of armed conflict became very likely, strengthened the
garrison to 182 (with a possibility of mobilising a
further 20 civilians). Standing instructions for the Polish detachment were to
defend the base for a period of six hours when it was expected that relief
would arrive but the withdrawal of Polish army detachments from the region of
the Bory Tucholskie to the
Bydgoszcz region (in August) meant that this had to be extended to twelve
hours. In reality Sucharski knew that relief would be
highly unlikely and that their resistance would be merely symbolic; armament
was limited to one 75 mm gun, 18 heavy machine-guns, 33 hand or light
machine-guns, 160 "Mauser"-type rifles, 2
anti-tank guns, 4 mortars and about 1000 grenades. Only 38 soldiers had
helmets. Despite this, the garrison was fully prepared for hostilities;
one-third being on stand-by duties in shifts, manning the well-concealed
outposts, whilst another third performed their duties openly to create a sense
of normality, and the remainder rested (fully armed and dressed).
Serving under the command of Major Henryk
Sucharski, at the end of August 1939, Staff Sergeant Wojciech Najsarek
was the station master responsible for supervising the loading and unloading of
equipment from railway wagons. Najsarek has the
unenviable distincton of being possibly the first
military victim of the Second World War, having been killed when Westerplatte railway station was attacked in the very first
moments of the war. At 4.45 am., 1 September 1939, the
German battleship Schleswig-Holstein opened fire (the opening shots of the War)
whilst, simultaneously, the Germans - as a prelude to a land assault - blew up
the entrance to the depot killing Najsarek.
The Germans had expected resistance to be light and were
surprised at the opposition they met; their losses were considerable and the myth
grew of powerful bunkers and fortifications on Westerplatte.
Under constant heavy shelling, dive bombing by Stukas
and continuous land assault, outnumbered by about 100 to one, the garrison
heroically held out for seven days. On 7 September, completely exhausted, food
and drinking water running out, unable to care for the wounded and having lost
a key outpost to the shelling, Major Sucharski
ordered his men to surrender (10.15 am). Of the approximately 200 personnel, 15
soldiers were killed and 13 seriously wounded in battle and over a dozen died
or disappeared during the occupation. The German forces numbered around 3000,
but their exact losses have never been revealed. The stand at Westerplatte was frustrating for Hitler who had wanted the
removal of all traces of the Polish presence on the first day and was forced to
divert men and materials away from other fronts; he insisted on making a
personal tour of this "Little Polish Verdun" (21 September 1939). The
Polish Supreme Commander, Marshal Smigly-Rydz, honoured the Westerplatte
defenders by awarding them the Virtuti Militari. Major Sucharski died in
hospital in Naples
(30 August 1946); on 1 September 1971, his ashes were exhumed from the Casamassima cometary and laid to
rest amongst the men who fell - the "Lions of Westerplatte".
By September 14th. Warsaw was surrounded. At this stage the
Poles reacted, holding off the Germans at Kutno and
regrouping behind the Wisla (Vistula)
and Bzura rivers. Although Britain
and France
declared war on September 3rd. the Poles received no help - yet it had been
agreed that the Poles should fight a defensive campaign for only 2 weeks during
which time the Allies could get their forces together and attack from the west.
On September 17th. Soviet forces invaded from the
east. Warsaw surrendered 2 weeks later, the garrison on the Hel peninsula
surrendered on October 2nd., and the Polesie Defence group, after fighting on two fronts against both
German and Soviet forces, surrendered on October 5th. The Poles had held on for
twice as long as had been expected and had done more damage to the Germans than
the combined British and French forces were to do in 1940. The Germans lost
50,000 men, 697 planes and 993 tanks and armoured
cars.
Thousands of soldiers and civilians managed to escape to France and Britain whilst many more went
"underground". A government-in-exile was formed with Wladyslaw Raczkiewicz as
President and General Wladyslaw Sikorski
as Prime Minister.
Raczkiewicz, Wladyslaw (b. 1885; d. 1947), the lawyer and
politician, Raczkiewicz fought in the Russian army in
WW1, and later presided over the Supreme Polish Military Committee set up in
Petrograd (June 1917). This body organised Polish
forces on the Eastern front intended to oppose the Germans and thus maintain an
independent Polish presence in the east mirroring the Blue Army on the Western
Front. He became Minister of the Interior, President of the Senate (1930 - 35),
and appointed by Moscicki, President of the Polish Government
in Exile (1939 - 45). He formed the Government in Paris under the premiership of Sikorski who also became commander-in-chief of the Polish
armed forces. A National Council consisting of senior representatives from all
the major parties was convened under the premiership of Paderewski and
chairmanship of Mikolajczyk. The Government was recognised by the Allies and began to reform the Polish
armed forces with escapees as they made their way across Europe,
and Polish volunteers from France
and the US.
By June 1940 there were 84,000 men in four infantry divisions, two brigades and
an armoured brigade, and air force of 9,000 and a
navy of 1,400.
Sikorski, Wladyslaw (b. Lwow,
1881. d.Gibraltar, 1943). The career of General Sikorski, civil engineer, soldier and politician runs
parallel to that of Pilsudski. Austrian Poland, economically strong with democratic
tendencies more advanced than in the other occupied parts of Poland, had become the political
base for the Polish Socialist Party (PPS) since 1908. Foreseeing war between
the Partitioning Powers, the right wing of the party made preparations for insurrectionary
action by setting up the “Zwiazek Walki Czynnej” (“Union for Armed Struggle”); the founders were Marian Kukiel, Kazimierz Sosnkowski and Sikorski. The aim
of the Union was to create a form of secret
military school and embraced the more active members of the PPS Fighting Organisation (which had been closed down by Pilsudski after
the success at Bezdany, 1908). The Union was
responsible for the establishment of the Riflemen’s Unions throughout Galicia,
exploiting an Austrian law which permitted the formation of paramilitary
societies but also receiving assistance from the Austrian authorities who were
keen to see Pilsudski involved in anti-Russian activities if war broke out. The
Zwiazek Walki Czynnej” was the origins of the Polish Army. During the
Balkan crisis of 1912 it was decided to build a political machine to represent
the secret societies; the Provisional Commission of Confederated Independence
Parties. The Provisional Commission consisted of representatives from the PPS,
Polish Social-Democratic Party, the National Workers Union, the National
Peasant Union, and several other, smaller, organisations
from Galicia
and the Kingdom. Sikorski had decided to embark on a political career accompanying a
military one and joined the Commission as the representative of one of these
smaller groups; the Polish Progressive Party. When the Supreme National
Committee was set up in Krakow (August 1914) aiming to unite all Polish
independence movements under the Austrian aegis, he became Chief of the War Department
and came into conflict with Pilsudski who wanted to be independent of the
Supreme National Committee and its pro-Austrian policy; it is from this period
that the struggle, both personal and political, between Sikorski
and Pilsudski, dates. Sikorski commanded the Fifth
Army in the Polish-Soviet War, performing outstandingly in the action on the Wkra where he experimented with the use of tanks and motorised cars (his attack on Kowel
has been described as the first ever blitzkrieg), and emerged as Prime
Minister in the political crisis that followed the assassination of the first
Polish President, Narutowicz (1922). Sikorski’s government saw a disastrous rise in inflation
and fall in the value of Polish currency resulting in bitter industrial action
culminating in a general strike (1923) and bloody confrontation between workers
and the army. Created Minister of War (1924), he confronted Pilsudski and was
forced into retirement after the May Coup of 1926. During his enforced
retirement Sikorski published “Przyszla
Wojna” (“Modern Warfare”, 1934) in which
he advocated the use of “mechanised fighting units
operating in close co-operation with a powerful air force” and correctly
foresaw that the Wehrmacht would be the first to use
such tactics. In 1936, along with Wincenty Witos, Jozef Haller and Ignacy Paderewski he became a founding member of the Morges Front, determined to rebuild a respectable
centre-right opposition. His opposition to Pilsudski’s dictatorial methods sent
him into political “exile” until the Nazi invasion swept away the “Sanacja” regime in 1939. He volunteered his services to Smigly-Rydz at the outbreak of WW2 but was turned down.
After 1939 he was commander in chief of the Polish army in France and Prime
Minister of the Polish Government in Exile and played a very delicate balancing
act in trying to improve Polish-Soviet relations, despite the Soviet invasion
of 1939 and severe opposition from within his own government. In 1941 he was a
co-signatory of the Sikorsky-Maisky pact with the USSR which allowed for the release of Polish
citizens who had been deported to the Soviet Union
after 1939. On 11 April 1943, the Germans discovered the mass graves of 4,231
Polish officers executed by the Soviet NKVD (Secret Police) at Katyn and the Polish Government demanded an investigation
by the Red Cross, whereupon the Soviets broke off diplomatic relations with the
Poles. This proved to be very embarrassing for the Allies. On 5 July the plane
in which General Sikorski was travelling
back to London crashed on take-off from Gibraltar, it has always been suspected as a result of
sabotage by the Russians with British connivance.
Under the German-Soviet pact Poland
was divided; the Soviets took, and absorbed into the Soviet Union, the eastern
half (Byelorussia and the
West Ukraine), the Germans incorporated Pomerania, Posnania
and Silesia into the Reich whilst the rest was
designated as the General-Gouvernement (a colony
ruled from Krakow by Hitler's friend, Hans
Frank).
In the Soviet zone 1.5 million Poles (including women and
children) were transported to labour camps in Siberia and other areas. Many thousands of captured
Polish officers were shot at several secret forest sites; the first to be
discovered being Katyn, near Smolensk.
The Germans declared their intention of eliminating the
Polish race (a task to be completed by 1975) alongside the Jews. This process
of elimination, the “Holocaust”, was carried out systematically. All members of
the “intelligentsia” were hunted down in order to destroy Polish culture and
leadership (many were originally exterminated at Oswiencim
- better known by its German name, Auschwitz).
Secret universities and schools, a “Cultural Underground”, were formed (the
penalty for belonging to one was death). In the General-Gouvernement
there were about 100,000 secondary school pupils and over 10,000 university
students involved in secret education.
The Polish Jews were herded into Ghettos where they were
slowly starved and cruelly offered hopes of survival but, in fact, ended up
being shot or gassed. In the end they were transported, alongside non-Jewish
Poles, Gypsies and Soviet POWs, to extermination camps such as Auschwitz and
Treblinka; at Auschwitz over 1.5 million were
exterminated. 2000 concentration camps were built in Poland, which became the major site
of the extermination programme, since this was where
most of the intended victims lived.
Stanislaw Ryniak ( b.
Sanok,1916; d. 2004), a non-Jewish Pole, has the dubious distinction of being
the first person to be imprisoned in Auschwitz.
In May 1940 the Nazis arrested Ryniak in his hometown
of Sanok. Accused of being a member of the resistance
he was transported, along with hundreds of other Polish political prisoners, to
Auschwitz (which was a concentration camp especially set up in 1940, on the
site of the pre-war Polish Army barracks at Oswiecim, to accommodate the huge
increase in the number of Poles arrested - far surpassing the capacity of local
prisons). He arrived at Auschwitz on June 14.
Numbers were tattooed on the prisoners' arms in the order of their arrival; the
first 30 numbers were given to German criminal prisoners who would serve as
camp guards. Ryniak's number was 31, thus making him,
essentially, the first genuine inmate. Auschwitz rapidly expanded; in 1941 the
Germans began to build Auschwitz II - Birkenau, at
the site of the village
of Brzezinka,
which, in 1942, became the place where the mass extermination of the Jews was
begun. Over 1.5 million people were exterminated at Auschwitz in a “death factory”
established in order to make murder less emotionally stressful to the perpretators; the mass-gassing of thousands at a time being
more detached than putting a bullet through an individual’s head on a regular
basis. Between 1942 and 1944 over 40 other sub-camps were set up as extensions
of German industrial plants and employing slave labour;
the largest of these being Auschwitz III - Monowitz
built by IG Farbenindustrie. In 1944, Ryniak was transported to the Leitmeritz
work camp, in what is now the Czech
Republic. Upon his
release, he weighed only 88 pounds. He is buried in the Osobowicki Cemetery,
Wroclaw.
Many non-Jewish Poles were either transported to Germany and
used as slave labour or simply executed. In the
cities the Germans would round-up and kill indiscriminately as a punishment for
any underground or anti-German or pro-Jewish activity. In the countryside they
kept prominent citizens as hostages who would be executed if necessary.
Sometimes they liquidated whole villages; at least 300 villages were destroyed.
Hans Frank said, “If I wanted to put up a poster for every seven Poles shot,
the forests of Poland
would not suffice to produce the paper for such posters.”
Despite such horror the Poles refused to give in or
cooperate (there were no Polish collaborators as in other occupied countries).
The Polish Underground or AK (Armia Krajowa or Home Army) was the largest in Europe
with 400,000 men. The Jewish resistance movement was set up separately because
of the problem of being imprisoned within the ghettos. Both these organisations caused great damage to the Nazi military
machine. Many non-Jewish Poles saved the lives of thousands of Jews despite the
fact that the penalty, if caught, was death (in fact, Poland was the only occupied nation
where aiding Jews was punishable by death).
When the Soviet Union was attacked by Germany, in
June 1941, Polish POWs were released from prison camps and set up an army
headed by General Anders. Many civilians were taken under the protection of
this army which was allowed to make its way to Persia
(modern-day Iran) and then
on to Egypt.
Anders,
Wladyslaw (b.1892; d.1970), the Polish nationalist and army
commander, led Polish troops in the Russian army in WW1 and, in 1939, fought
against both German and Soviet troops. Wounded and captured by the Russians
after the Fourth Partition in 1939, Anders was arrested whilst hospitalised in Lwow and kept
imprisoned in the famous N.K.V.D. prison, the Lubianka.
When the Germans invaded the Soviet Union, in 1941, Anders was released under
the Sikorski-Maisky pact and asked to form a Polish
army in Russia - it was whilst doing so that he discovered the atrocities that
had been carried out by the Soviets against Polish soldiers and civilians;
forced labour and mass-murder (especially of 4,500
Polish Officers in the forest of Katyn). After a
series of harassments and the withholding of food rations, being unable to
trust his Soviet “allies”, Anders marched his army, along with a large number
of civilians, out of the Soviet Union in an extraordinary odyssey; from prison
camps in Siberia and the Gulag Archipelago (around Archangel), through Central
Asia, Iran, Palestine and then to Egypt where the Polish Second Corps merged
with the Carpathian Brigade and was incorporated into the British Eighth Army.
This journey had been made possible due to an agreement between Britain and the Soviet Union that the Poles
could act as occupational forces in the place of Commonwealth troops who could
now be transferred to the Far East in order to
fight the Japanese. In Egypt
Anders’ soldiers contributed greatly, especially at Tobruck
and then as part of the allied campaign in Italy, where the Polish forces
distinguished themselves, successfully taking Monte Cassino.
His sense of betrayal when the Allies allotted Poland to the Soviet sphere of
influence after the war (and hence making Poland a satellite state of the
Soviet Union) and of the subsequent decision of the Allies not to allow the
Polish forces to take part in victory celebrations so as not to upset relations
with the Soviets (a decision that still stood at the 50th anniversary of the
D-Day Landings!) reflected that of most Poles forced to live in the West. His
campaign to publicise the Katyn
atrocity resulted in his being stripped of Polish citizenship in 1946 along
with 65 other senior officers. Exiled, he became a leader of the Polish
forces-in-exile in Britain.
All the Polish forces took part in the Allied invasion of
Europe and liberation of France,
playing a particularly crucial role in the significant Battle of the Falaise
Gap. The Polish Parachute Brigade took part in the disastrous Battle of Arnhem
in Holland. In
1945, the Poles captured the German port
of Wilhelmshaven.
In 1943 a division of Polish soldiers was formed in Russia under
Soviet control and fought on the Eastern Front. They fought loyally alongside
the Soviet troops, despite the suffering they had experienced in Soviet hands,
and they distinguished themselves in breaking through the last German lines of defence, the "Pomeranian Rampart", in the
fighting in Saxony and in the capture of Berlin.
The "Home Army", under the command of General
Stefan Roweki (code-named "Grot"), and
after his capture in 1943 (he was later murdered), by General Tadeusz Komorowski (code-named
"Bor"), fought a very varied war; at times
in open combat in brigade or division strength, at times involved in sabotage,
often acting as execution squads eliminating German officials, and often
fighting a psychological campaign against German military and civilians. It was
a costly war since the Germans always took reprisals.
The crime of Katyn was discovered in
1943 and created a rift in Polish–Soviet relations. From now on the Home Army
was attacked by Soviet propaganda as collaborating with the Germans and being
called on to rise against the Germans once the Red Army reached the outskirts
of Warsaw.
Secretly, at Teheran, the British and Americans agreed to
letting the Russians profit from their invasion of Poland in 1939 and allowing them to
keep the lands that had been absorbed. The "accidental" death of
General Sikorski at this time helped keep protests at
a minimum.
When the Russians crossed into Poland
the Home Army cooperated in the fight against the Germans and contributed
greatly to the victories at Lwow, Wilno
and Lublin only to find themselves
surrounded and disarmed by their "comrades–in–arms" and deported to labour camps in Siberia.
On August 1, 1944, with the Russian forces on the right bank
of the Vistula, the Home Army rose in Warsaw;
the Warsaw Rising.
Bor-Komorowski (real name; Tadeusz
Komorowski) b. Lwow, 1895; d.1966, led the AK
(Armia Krajowa; Polish Home
Army) forces during the 62–day Warsaw Uprising of 1944. Though initially
rejecting the idea of an uprising in Warsaw, Bor-Komorowski
became convinced that an armed rising was inevitable in order to maintain an
independent Polish presence on Polish soil at a time when the Soviets had
created the PKWN (Polish Committee of National Liberation) in Lublin and begun
to intern AK units, and since, with the attempted assassination of Hitler at Rastenburg, there were signs of an imminent German
collapse. The decision to launch the Uprising was a tragic mistake; since, as
no uprising had been previously envisaged, the AK forces in Warsaw were ill
equipped (as ammunition and arms had actually been sent out of the city to
support action in the countryside) and other crucial preparation (such as
medical provision) was very poor. The decision to initiate the Uprising was
made in haste and ill–prepared; some leading members of both civil and military
authorities were only informed by chance or at the last minute. The timing of
the Uprising (at 5 pm; rush hour) was intended to cause inconvenience to the
German forces but in fact caused a great amount of disruption to the civilian
population, taking them by surprise, separating them from their families for
the duration and ultimately resulting in heavy casualties. When the Soviet
forces stopped outside the city, the Germans were able to concentrate on the
destruction of the insurgents but, despite the heavy shelling, bombing and
assaults using armour, came across unexpectedly
strong opposition. They gradually eliminated isolated pockets of resistance and
gradually closed in on the centre (Srodmiescie). In
these areas, after surrendering, many civilians and soldiers were executed or
sent to concentration camps to be exterminated and the buildings were razed to
the ground. Polish tactics included the use of the sewer system as a means of
maintaining communications between areas that were surrounded by the Germans
(the evacuation of the suburb, Mokotow, was immortalised in Wajda’s 1956
film, “Kanal”), and, when the Germans began to
systematically demolish the city, to make full use of the ruins as part of the
defensive system. Not only had the Russians ceased to advance but they also
refused to allow Allied planes to land on Russian airfields after dropping
supplies. It is doubtful that the Uprising would have lasted as long as it did
without the general support of the civilian population which suffered terribly.
There were horrific atrocities committed by the German forces (who consisted
largely of criminals and Ukrainian and Cossack anti–Soviet forces fighting for
the Germans). The Germans were so impressed by the underground forces that they
accorded them full military honours when they
eventually were forced to surrender (2 October). The AK lost around 20,000
soldiers whilst around 225,000 civilians were also killed. In accordance with
Hitler’s instructions the city was razed to the ground so that when Soviet
forces entered, in January 1945, the city (that had housed 1,289,000
inhabitants) did not contain a living soul and 93% of the buildings were
destroyed or damaged beyond repair. The subsequent reconstruction and
regeneration of the city is one of the great events of post–war Polish history.
The Warsaw Uprising has much significance in post–War Polish history: the
failure of the western Allies to aid Warsaw
destroyed the faith of the greater part of the civilians in them, whilst the
inability of the government–in–exile to secure any aid discredited it.
Ultimately the Uprising brought about a realisation
that the only hope for Poland
lay in some form of understanding between the Poles and the Soviets but the
failure of the Soviets to come to the aid of Warsaw was also the source of much
bitterness. Much of what happened later had its roots here.
The defeat in Warsaw
destroyed the political and military institutions of the Polish underground and
left the way open for a Soviet take–over.
With the liberation of Lublin
in July 1944 a Russian–sponsored Polish Committee for National Liberation (a
Communist Government in all but name) had been set up and the British had put
great pressure, mostly unsuccessful, on the Government–in–exile to accept this
status quo. At Yalta, in February 1945, the
Allies put Poland within the
Russian zone of influence in a post–war Europe.
To most Poles the meaning of these two events was perfectly clear; Poland
had been betrayed.
The war ended on May 8th, 1945.
Originally published at http://www.kasprzyk.demon.co.uk/www/HistoryPolska.html
BACK TO POLISH HISTORY